Fall 2025

Blog Post: “Barbie” (2023) and the Reimagining of Gender, Identity, and Power (October 9th, 2025)

When Greta Gerwig’s Barbie premiered in 2023, it was marketed as a lighthearted adaptation of an iconic toy brand. Yet, beneath the glossy pink veneer, Barbie emerged as one of the most culturally significant films of the decade, a bold reimagining of gender roles, capitalism, and the tension between fantasy and reality. The film became a lens through which audiences could question entrenched social norms and envision a more equitable world. In this sense, Barbie is a prime example of a cultural resource that reimagines the current social and political landscape through the power of popular media.

At its core, Barbie challenges the patriarchal systems that define both fictional and real-world societies. The film begins in “Barbieland,” a matriarchal utopia where women hold every position of power, such as doctors, lawyers, astronauts, and even President. Men, or “Kens,” exist largely in the background, their worth defined by the attention they receive from Barbie. However, when the “stereotypical Barbie” (played by Margot Robbie) travels to the real world and discovers the patriarchal structure that dominates human society, the film flips the mirror on its own premise. It reveals that Barbieland’s “perfect” world is itself a fantasy—a reaction to the very real social conditions women face globally, from systemic sexism to corporate commodification of femininity. Through this juxtaposition, Barbie reimagines a world where women’s power and autonomy are normalized rather than exceptional.

The imagined alternative presented in Barbie is both systemic and cultural. The film envisions a society where gender roles are not rigidly assigned, and self-worth is not dictated by consumerism or external validation. To achieve this, real-world change would require more than surface-level reforms, it would demand technological, educational, and institutional transformation. For example, the film critiques how corporations profit from feminist language and representation while maintaining patriarchal hierarchies behind the scenes. Gerwig’s Barbie directly engages with this paradox by working within a massive corporate brand (Mattel) while using the narrative to question the company’s, and society’s, values. In doing so, it suggests that real change requires rethinking the systems of production and representation that shape our collective imagination.

Technological change also plays a subtle but important role in the film’s message. The “real world” of Barbie is mediated through screens, marketing, and consumer data, forms of digital technology that influence how identity and gender are constructed today. The film’s viral success on social media platforms like TikTok and Instagram further demonstrates how digital culture can amplify feminist discourse. Memes, fan edits, and personal essays about the film’s themes created a participatory dialogue that extended far beyond the theater, turning Barbie into both a movie and a movement. This convergence of entertainment and activism reflects how technology can be a tool for civic imagination, mobilizing people to question and reshape societal norms.

Elements of this reimagined alternative are already visible in contemporary culture. There is growing representation of women and marginalized voices in leadership, media, and technology. Movements like #MeToo, Time’s Up, and ongoing conversations about workplace equity and body image align with the film’s critique of how women’s value is defined. Yet, as Barbie also shows, progress is uneven. Patriarchal narratives persist through politics, entertainment, and digital culture. Gerwig doesn’t offer a neat solution, her Barbieland, once rebalanced, still struggles to include Ken’s perspective without recreating inequality. Instead, she invites audiences to keep imagining what a truly inclusive and equitable world could look like.

Ultimately, Barbie embodies the civic imagination by transforming a familiar cultural icon into a platform for reflection and dialogue. It encourages viewers to imagine a world not limited by gendered expectations or consumer identities but shaped by empathy, creativity, and mutual respect. Through humor, irony, and dazzling aesthetics, Barbie demonstrates that change often begins in the imagination—when people dare to picture something different, even if it starts with a doll in pink heels.

The Stereotype That Women in Sports Journalism “Don’t Know as Much as Men” By: Bentley Yanke; October 4th, 2025

As a young woman pursuing a career in broadcast journalism, I’ve noticed one stereotype that continues to circulate through media and online spaces: the idea that women in sports journalism don’t know as much as men. This stereotype appears everywhere, from TV portrayals to social media comment sections, and it subtly suggests that women in this field are less credible, less knowledgeable, or hired only for their appearance.

This stereotype is inaccurate and harmful because it dismisses the professionalism, expertise, and hard work of countless women who have built strong reputations in sports media. It’s also rooted in a long history of male dominated sports culture, where men have traditionally been seen as the “authorities” on sports knowledge. Even as women have made incredible progress in breaking into press boxes, anchor desks, and locker rooms, the bias remains visible both explicitly and implicitly in how media constructs their roles.

A clear example of this construction appears in the 2017 film Battle of the Sexes, which dramatizes the story of tennis star Billie Jean King’s fight for gender equality in sports. In the film, and in the real events it’s based on, male broadcasters question King’s legitimacy and understanding of the sport, reflecting real attitudes that female commentators and journalists still face. This mirrors the constant skepticism directed at women who analyze men’s sports, even when they are highly qualified. The perspective missing here is that of women who have spent their lives studying, playing, and reporting on sports; their voices are often overshadowed by male commentary.

A more modern example comes from social media, particularly on platforms like X (formerly Twitter). Female reporters such as Mina Kimes from ESPN or Malika Andrews from NBA Today are frequently targeted by online users who comment things like “she’s only on air because she’s pretty” or “she’s never played, so how could she know?” These comments perpetuate the notion that women can’t analyze sports unless they’ve played professionally, a standard rarely applied to men. The implied bias is that credibility in sports is linked to masculinity, when in reality, sports journalism is about storytelling, statistics, and communication, not physical participation.

Information is missing from these portrayals because media rarely shows the full range of what women in sports journalism do. Behind every broadcast is research, data analysis, and interviewing, skills that have nothing to do with gender. When women’s work is reduced to surface-level commentary or appearance-based criticism, audiences lose the context of their expertise.

This stereotype can be deeply harmful. It undermines the authority of women on-air, creates barriers to career advancement, and contributes to online harassment. For aspiring reporters like me, it sends the message that we must constantly prove ourselves to be taken seriously in spaces where men are automatically assumed to be knowledgeable.

However, there are also individuals and organizations that benefit from this construction. Traditional sports networks that have long prioritized male voices maintain control over the sports narrative, and media companies that cater to predominantly male audiences may find it easier to reinforce familiar dynamics than to challenge them.

Still, the landscape is changing. Women like Holly RoweDoris BurkeMina Kimes, and Malika Andrews are redefining what authority in sports looks like, through hard work, accuracy, and a love for the game. The stereotype that women in sports journalism “don’t know as much as men” may persist, but every accurate stat, insightful question, and well-told story chips away at that outdated notion. And I feel we know just as much as men, if not more;)

https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/jason-whitlock-maria-taylor-katie-nolan-sexist-comments-b533464.html (I could not embed this link)

https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7400595/ (This also wouldn’t let me embed)

  • One Giant Leap – or One Big Lie? The Moon Landing Conspiracy (September 27, 2025)

    On July 20, 1969, humanity watched (on tv, by radio, in newspapers) as Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin became the first humans to set foot on the Moon. The Apollo missions, from 1969 to 1972, claimed to land six manned missions successfully. But a persistent counter narrative has endured: that the moon landings were faked. This conspiracy claims that NASA (or allied agencies) staged at least some of these landings, fabricated footage, manipulated evidence, or suppressed dissenting voices. Below is a closer look at the background, origin, persuasion tactics, and the current status of this conspiracy theory.

    Background and What’s Controversial: What do moon landing skeptics claim? There are those who doubt the moon landings, and these individuals often argue things. To begin with, the photos and film from Apollo show anomalies (ex. shadows not being parallel, odd lighting, absence of stars, reflection oddities). Next, the U.S. flag appears to “wave” in photos, seemingly contradicting the vacuum/no atmosphere environment of the moon. Another claim being the technology of the era (radiation belts, computing power, launch reliability) was supposedly insufficient to carry out a crewed lunar landing. A claim to add is that NASA and others tampered with or destroyed telemetry, radio and tv transmissions, or Moon rock evidence. The final claim in this area is that some propose that famous filmmaker, Stanley Kubrick, was secretly hired to stage the landings (or parts of them), drawing on his work on 2001: A Space Odyssey. These claims are controversial because they challenge one of the most celebrated achievements in scientific history, and they imply a broad multiagency deception involving thousands of scientists, engineers, media, and governments.

    Origins of the Conspiracy: The Kaysing pamphlet and early seed? Now the reason I am addressing this is because the moon landing hoax theory didn’t emerge immediately in 1969 when the landing on the moon happened, rather, its modern meme began in the mid 1970s. In 1976, a self published book, We Never Went to the Moon: America’s Thirty Billion Dollar Swindle, by Bill Kaysing, is widely credited as a foundational text for moon hoax theorists. Kaysing claimed, despite having no formal training in rocketry and such, that the odds of success were extremely low and that NASA staged the missions to beat the Soviets. In the years following, the theory made its way into magazines, documentaries, and fringe publications. As trust in government declined (especially post Watergate, Vietnam, etc.), suspicion toward official narratives grew. There was also propagation through media and culture, over time, the theory found more exposure through things such as television specials that aired dramatic and skeptical takes (ex. Conspiracy Theory: Did We Land on the Moon? on Fox, which reportedly added to public doubt. Filmmakers and conspiracy advocates producing pseudo documentaries (ex. Bart Sibrel’s A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Moon and Astronauts Gone Wild) that confronted astronauts and brought doubts. Online forums, YouTube, social media (especially from the 2000s onward, allowing theories to replicate and increase rapidly). Pop culture references and memes, which embed the hoax idea in jokes, sci-fi, or parody, therefore this normalizing it even to skeptics. So, the moon landing hoax theory evolved from niche pamphlets and fringe writing to a persistent name in the digital age.

    Persuasion Tactics and Propaganda Strategies: The moon landing conspiracy holds many of the same techniques we study in persuasion and propaganda. There are key strategies. Selective skepticism and cherry picking anomalies: By highlighting small “anomalies” (shadows, reflections, missing stars) and demanding explanations, believers frame the entire mission as suspect. The tactic: find a puzzling detail, pose it as incompatible with the official story, and imply that the only resolution is fabrication. Burden shifting and moving the goalposts: When NASA or scientists explain one anomaly, (ex. the absence of stars is due to camera exposure settings), conspiracists shift to a new objection (ex. but what about this other photo?). This keeps the debate open indefinitely. Appeals to authority or pseudo authority: The use of documentary filmmakers, “experts”, or amateur investigators to lend legitimacy to doubt. Sometimes supporters claim insider knowledge or special insight. Sibrel’s confrontation with astronauts, or claims that NASA “won’t let us see original tapes,” are examples. Ambiguity, insinuation, rheotorical questions: Instead of stating outright “the moon landing was fake,” many skeptics pose “Could it be that…?” or “Why won’t NASA allow…?” This invites suspicion without committing to a full, testable alternate hypothesis. Echo chambers and confirmation bias: Once someone is primed to doubt NASA, they will gravitate toward communities (forums, YouTube, social media) that reinforce their views and dismiss rebuttal content. The algorithmic amplification of fringe content deepens belief. Conflation with larger distrust narratives: The moon hoax theory often ties into broader narratives: “Government lies,” “deep state,” “they control the narrative,” etc. This allows the moon landing claim to plug into existing mistrust.

    Is the Issue Resolved? What’s the Status Today?: Strong scientific consensus and evidence. The overwhelming consensus in science, engineering, space agencies, and historians is that the moon landings occurred. Several lines of evidence reinforce things such as this. High-resolution images from the Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter (LRO) show the Apollo landing sites, descent stages, rover tracks, and disturbance of lunar soil, corresponding to documented astronaut paths. The moon rock samples brought back have been analyzed globally, their isotopic composition, lack of water, cosmic ray exposure signatures, and match to lunar geology are consistent and hard to counterfeit. Independent tracking by other nations and observatories during the Apollo missions lend external validation. Technical explanations exist for the “anomalies” raised by skeptics (camera exposure, reflections, lens artifacts, lighting geometry). Numerous rebuttal compendia and science outreach articles systematically address each claim. So, from an expert and institutional perspective, the conspiracy is considered false and debunked.

    Public opinion and lingering doubt: However, belief in the conspiracy has not vanished entirely. In U.S. surveys, about 10 % of respondents say they believe NASA faked the moon landings. At certain moments (e.g. after popular TV specials or viral content), reported doubt temporarily spikes. For example, a 2001 Fox special reportedly raised skepticism to ~20 %. Internationally, some countries show higher denial rates (e.g. surveys in Russia have found substantial portions skeptical of U.S. moon landings). The theory remains part of the broader conspiracy ecosystem, sometimes revived as new “evidence” is claimed (ex. alleged “stagehand reflections” in visor photos).

    Has the conspiracy “won”? No, the conspiracy has not replaced the scientific consensus. The moon landing is broadly accepted in education, science, history, and among institutions. But the conspiracy hasn’t disappeared. Its persistence owes more to psychological, social, and informational dynamics than to the strength of its logic. In that sense, the conspiracy’s “victory” is not in convincing scientists, but in sowing doubt, undermining trust in institutions, and amplifying narratives of deception.

    Connection to my learning in my MCO425 class… Propaganda & persuasion: The moon hoax conspiracy is a textbook case of how repetition, appeals to authority, ambiguity, and burden shifting can make fringe claims seem plausible. Cognitive biases & motivated reasoning: Believers often begin with distrust of authority and then selectively interpret or reject conflicting evidence. Media ecosystems / echo chambers: The conspiracy thrives in closed loops of content (YouTube, forums) and algorithmic amplification, making debunking messages less visible. Disinformation dynamics: The moon landing hoax shows how conspiracy narratives can adopt small anomalies, escalate them, and merge into larger distrust narratives. Resilience of false beliefs: Even when strong evidence is available, people may continue to believe due to identity, worldview, or distrust, not purely on merit.

    https://www.rmg.co.uk/stories/space-astronomy/moon-landing-conspiracy-theories-debunked

  • 24 Hour Media Diary: Information I Share

    For this assignment, I tracked my media use for a full day and focused not just on what I consumed, but on the kinds of data I shared in the process. Every click, like, or search leaves behind information about me, whether it be personal details, interests, or behavioral data. I realized that even when I’m not deliberately posting content, I’m still creating data trails that platforms and advertisers can use. Below is my next 24 hour log, followed by a reflection on what I noticed.

    6:45 AM: I woke up, and started my day by responding to text messages and scrolling Instagram on my phone. I liked a few posts from friends (one about a concert, one couple photoshoot, and another one of their pets). I also responded to my direct messages. Instagram collects behavior data on what I like, how long I pause on posts, and which accounts I interact with. Because Meta owns Instagram, I know that information can be used to target ads. For example, after liking a concert post, I noticed a promoted ad for Ticketmaster.

    8:30 AM: While eating breakfast, I listened to Spotify. I didn’t create content, but my listening habits (genres, playlists, skips, etc.) created a detailed picture of my interests. Spotify uses this for my suggested and personal playlists but also to target me with ads for new albums and concerts.

    10:15 AM: I checked X on my laptop. I retweeted another journalist’s post about Arizona housing issues. This revealed a political interest (housing policy) and a social interest (affordable living). Because I don’t always review privacy settings, I can’t be sure how my likes and retweets are tracked, but I know they influence what stories and promoted tweets I’ll see.

    12:00 PM: Read articles on Fox News and NBC during lunch. These outlets track what sections I click (politics, business, world news), which contributes to a behavior data profile. I clicked on an opinion piece about student loans, which could flag me as interested in financial aid and push me more sponsored content from banks or loan companies.

    3:30 PM: Opened YouTube for a study break. Watched a highlight reel from an ASU football game and then let the algorithm autoplay. This shows how strongly behavior data drives content curation. After one sports video, the next five were all sports-related. I clicked on two, giving YouTube even more signals about my interests.

    7:00 PM: Doing some online shopping. I browsed Amazon for new headphones. I searched three brands, clicked into two product pages, and added one to my cart without buying. That action guarantees I’ll be followed with targeted headphone ads across other platforms.

    9:00 PM: Before bed, I watched a couple episodes of a show on Netflix. Netflix tracks completion rates, skips, and ratings to recommend shows. This is less about advertising (since it’s subscription-based) and more about keeping me engaged.

    Looking back at the day, I realize nearly every media interaction produced behavioral data: clicks, likes, searches, and even pauses on content. I also revealed personal and interest based data (like concerts, sports, and housing policy). What stood out most was how quickly algorithms reacted. For example, my casual Amazon search immediately translated into ads on Instagram, showing how interconnected data brokers and platforms are.

    I don’t always think about how much I’ve agreed to share through terms of service, but clearly, these platforms profit off my habits. While I’m not shocked, I am reconsidering whether I should adjust my privacy settings more carefully, especially on apps like Instagram and Twitter, where personal and political interests can be tracked and sold.

  • From Sunrise to Scroll: My Media Diary

    For this assignment, I tracked my media habits over 24 hours. I was surprised at how much of my day is wrapped up in media without me even noticing. Here’s what a typical day looked like for me: Morning: 6:15 AM – My alarm goes off. I contemplated hitting snooze,…

From Sunrise to Scroll: My Media Diary

For this assignment, I tracked my media habits over 24 hours. I was surprised at how much of my day is wrapped up in media without me even noticing. Here’s what a typical day looked like for me: Morning: 6:15 AM – My alarm goes off. I contemplated hitting snooze, but realized I didn’t have…